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/ December 23, By LIPTAK G., whose bedroom encounter with the in Texas led to one of the rights North Edwards movement’s signal triumphs, the Supreme Court’s decision in v. Texas, died at his home in on Nov. 20, his partner said on Friday. He was 68. The cause was complications of a heart ailment, said his partner, Garcia. Aside from a posting on a funeral home’s Web site that did not mention the Supreme Court decision, Mr. Lawrence’s death apparently received no immediate publicity. It came to light when a lawyer in the case, Katine, sought to reach Mr. with an invitation to an event commemorating the ruling. The decision struck down a Texas law that made sex a and swept away sodomy laws in a dozen other states. The decision reversed a 17-year-old precedent, Bowers v. Hardwick, which had ruled that there was nothing in the Constitution to stop states from making it a for men to have consensual sex at home. But Justice M. Kennedy, writing for justices in the 6-to-3 decision, said, “The petitioners are entitled to respect for their private lives.” “The state,” he wrote, “cannot demean their existence or control their by making their private sexual conduct a.” M. Smith, who argued in the Supreme Court on behalf of Mr., said the decision “laid the foundation for all the good things that have happened since,” including decisions from state courts endorsing same-sex marriage and the repeal of the military’s policy forbidding men and lesbians from serving openly. The logic of the decision, Justice Antonin Scalia wrote in dissent, supported a constitutional right to same-sex marriage. The case began on Sept. 17, , when investigating a report of a “weapons disturbance” entered Mr. Lawrence’s apartment. They said they saw Mr. and Garner having sex and arrested them for violating a Texas law prohibiting “deviate sexual intercourse with another individual of the same sex.” The two men were held overnight and each fined $. Texas courts rejected their constitutional challenges to the state law, relying on the Bowers decision. In addition, activists are also fighting the shadow of Mubarak, who, for all her husband’s transgressions, was a force behind the campaign to end FGM. As the former dictator’s wife,Mubarak gave speeches and organized conferences opposing the practice, making her one of the most recognizable faces in the international fight against FGM. She played a key role in getting and religious leaders to forbid the procedure, which had a far greater impact than the legal ban. After declaring their position, the fatwa office in Cairo—the office of the Grand Mufti of Egypt—set up a hotline; several anecdotes emerged about women changing their decision to go ahead with the practice based on advice they received from this hotline. Activists assert that their efforts to eliminate FGM were well underway before Mubarak demonstrated interest in the issue. “We didn’t wait for Madame Mubarak to talk about FGM,” Sidhom Magdi, head of the Egyptian Association for Comprehensive Development, told me. But they do not deny that her involvement gave the movement political momentum that it had previously lacked. Now, however, anything attached to the Mubaraks’ legacy is, if not explicitly tainted, an easy target. Civil society groups characterize Mubarak’s efforts as self-promoting. “She was devoid of a feminist vision or a socialist vision,” said Nihad Abu Kumsan, a lawyer and head of the Egyptian Centre for Women’s Rights. insists that FGM-related figures were exaggerated by the Egyptian government so that the former first could pocket international funds. “Suzanne Mubarak used these to make money and steal money,” she told me. While most activists were not Mubarak supporters, the backlash troubles them. Agosti worries that Mubarak’s previous involvement “become an excuse to undo all the past work.”Sweet wives want nsa Hammond